Ft. Lewis (now Joint Base Lewis-McChord) soldiers I fought back with during the Vietnam era have revisited my life over the 40 years since I was discharged. Their early exposure to revolutionary communist politics in the military still reverberates through their lives. I never fail to be amazed and inspired. A few incidents come to mind.
About 25 years after I left the Army, I got involved with an opposition caucus in my union. Caucus members from various areas gathered at a central location. I didn't know the workers from other cities, but one of them remembered me from Ft. Lewis.
The FBI had visited him after I was discharged, trying to get information on my activities. He refused to talk to them. He wasn't about to forget me!
He gathered up his friends for a "side meeting." He bragged about our Ft. Lewis struggle and asked if I could get copies of a revolutionary communist newspaper for him and his friends. "These people really know how to fight," he said, recommending us to his friends.

Marines Fight Ku Klux Klan
In 1976, black Marines rebelled against the Klan at Camp Pendleton, CA. Marines wearing KKK insignia had already beaten two African- American soldiers.
On December 6th, the marines held a pre-trial hearing to charge 14 rebels. The Camp Pendleton 14, as they became known, responded to the KKK in the only language the Klan understood— violently.
A black Marine vet, inspired by our revolutionary activity at Ft. Lewis three years before, had just decided to build our communist organization. He took vacation from his industrial job and flew to the camp to help mount an anti-racist defense. Talk about a baptism of fire! Red-led antiracists— black, latin and white—beat David Duke, National Grand Dragon of the KKK, and his supporters when they showed up for the hearing.
A battle with the camp's MPs ensued. Black and latin comrades took the lead. Our militant, class-based anti-racism freaked the liberals and led to sharp ideological struggle within our organization.
Jesse Jackson came to talk with the base commander. He and the ruling-class forces behind him wanted to make a show against the Klan. He reasoned this would better prepare the Marines to fight for the national (read: bosses') interests abroad. We, on the other hand, emphasized the links between domestic racism and racist imperialism.

Sharp Inner-Party Struggle Guarantees the Fight for Communism, not Reform
Our new member made it clear that he had come in order to build for communist revolution— the only way to finally smash racism and imperialism. Some in the Party leadership told him that that was not what he was supposed to do. He was to limit his activities to "Freeing the Camp Pendleton 14."
As it turned out, we continued to bring the red flag to events—figuratively and literally. The defendants were more than open to our revolutionary politics. Our new recruit learned a lot. He gave speeches to that effect at demonstrations when he returned to his home city.
The court-martial dragged on for almost a year. The Klansmen were transferred to other basses and other parts of Camp Pendleton to "defuse the situation."(New York Times, 1/8/77) Membership in the Klan was legal, according to the Marines, and didn't interfere with their mission.
The Camp Pendleton 14, on the other hand, got months of hard labor, fines, and a reduction in rank. One was sent to the stockade for 2 years.
Our base and we advanced through this sharp struggle. Some, unfortunately, caved in to the demands of the liberals. They wanted to be "big" and if that meant hiding revolutionary communist politics so be it, they reasoned.
A general Party meeting was called to settle this question. Still in his work clothes after a hard day's work, our new recruit jumped back on a plane to defend a communist line at that meeting. Introduced to our politics during the Ft. Lewis rebellions, he played an important role defending communism years later.

Friendships Forged in Struggle: Life Long Political Ties
Somewhere between these two incidents, I met Pete, who had helped lead a number of on-base rebellions, entering the factory gate. We hadn't seen each other in over 15 years.
He asked how I was doing. "Oh, the same old thing," I answered, noncommittally.
"That's good because this place is the most racist worksite I've ever seen!" So we started a multi-racial, anti-racist fight-back at work. A few weeks later, he invited me to his house. The living room was filled with relatives and friends. My wife and I sat down and the whole crowd began reminiscing about Ft. Lewis and all sorts of personal details of my life.
Did I know these people? Had I forgotten that I had met them? Then they all started laughing. It seems my rioting buddy had been entertaining his relatives and friends with stories of our antiracist rebellions in the Army for fifteen years. They knew the stories by heart.
You never know how far our modest efforts will go. Soldiers respond to revolutionary communist politics. It opens the door to a lifetime of struggle.

In a recent ICWP youth study group meeting we started talking about the role of soldiers in the revolution. An ROTC student who had carried our communist banner in last year's May Day march asked, "But how can we convince soldiers that the government is their enemy and how are we going to fight the government?"
After the study group, students wrote up their thoughts:
* "First of all, the government represents the interests of the capitalist class. And they convince soldiers to be loyal to their country. The soldiers are out there fighting, killing and losing their lives for "their country". Soldiers need to realize that they are fighting fights that aren't theirs. The enemy is not in another country but in the one we live in."
* "Other countries have resources that the capitalist government wants. The soldiers can be convinced that the government is their enemy just by looking at past events. For example, when Bush sent them into Iraq for a cause that later showed no evidence."
* "We can also say to soldiers that the poor are getting poorer and the rich are getting richer. They tell us to live our dreams but many of us end up homeless. And many of us do not even get the proper medical attention that we need."
* "Soldiers need to remember that they are part of the working class and so are soldiers from other countries. Why does the working class fight among them selves, while the true enemy is safe and sound?"
* "I believe if we put each and everyone's effort we can overpower the capitalist class. We are the majority."
* "We the working class work all of our lives to increase the power of the capitalist class. We work in their factories and we fight in other countries to defend them. If we go on strike, yes, they might cut off our electricity or water but we can help each other as a community. We have worked in their factories and companies for years and we have learned how to fix electricity wires and water pipes. We should use everything that we have learned against them."
* "To attack the government we need our own army, an army of the international working class.
We need to start small and build and eventually take over the factories. We need to distribute Red Flag, we need to get the word around. The under-paid workers can go on strike. Then more sections from the working class will follow. It all depends on the working class, after all there is more of us than there is of them."
It's true that we have to convince soldiers that the capitalist government is the enemy. But to do that students need to join the military and organize inside of it. They must present to their fellow soldiers the possibility of a different world, a communist world where the principles of human fraternity will blossom. A world where we will contribute based on our abilities and commitment and receive based on our needs. This will take a revolution—and soldiers are absolutely crucial to its success.
Students distribute close to 100 Red Flags amongst their school peers. Our newspaper gives leadership to the class struggle of students, soldiers and the masses that are mobilizing around the world. We have to multiply the distribution of Red Flag and write about our struggles so that the international working class can live in a world without war and borders and in full collectivity.