FIGHT FOR COMMUNISM!International Communist Workers Party Pamphlet | |
Our
lives revolve around how production is organized. To transform the design of
production is to transform society itself. This simple but hidden truth
encapsulates why industrial workers are key to making and maintaining communist
revolution.
The
industrial working class is the main revolutionary force. They are not the only
force.
First,
there can be no thought of revolution without masses of red soldiers.
Teachers,
students and intellectuals play a vital, even indispensible, role. They often
start the ball rolling. But if you want to finish what you started, turn to the
working class.
The
industrial working class possesses the stability, organization and relationship
to the means of production needed to mobilize the masses for communism. This
key relationship to the means of production gives them the power to quickly up
the ante. Pacifist illusions about the bosses' system will not find fertile
ground here.
The
central role of industrial workers does not end after the seizure of state
power. These workers will be in the forefront of redesigning the factories and
fields around collective work.
Humankind
needs production to survive. But the way we produce helps shape our very being.
From
the time children begin to sense the world around them, they will see that,
under communism, the people they know work for the common good. Work will not
be for a wage that puts food on the table of an individual family.
Collectivity, not individualism, will be their first glimpse of human behavior.
As
they get a little older, they will visit industrial sites where red industrial
workers will teach them the science, mathematics, language and political
organization behind communist production. They will become accustomed to
performing useful, and not exploitive, work at an early age.
They
will already have an idea of how to build the collectives we need by the time
they are ready to enter the factory, bus division, collective farm or mine.
Their education will continue as they move from task to task, work site to work
site, teaching and producing.
Capitalism
gives birth to its own gravediggers in the industrial working class. Industrial
workers are uniquely positioned to advance the struggle: to change the nature
of production, society, and how we think about human potential.
Each industrial rebellion has
a political character. Sometimes
it's implicit, like rejecting a
bribe. Other times it's explicit,
like confronting the armed
might of the state in Egypt,
Brazil and South Africa. Some
have even blocked governmental
activity in places like Greece,
Bangladesh and Mexico.
Each pushed aside unions,
ignoring contracts that legitimize
wage slavery. The bankruptcy
of capitalist reform
embodied in trade union ideology
is on the minds of millions.
Each rebellion confirms the
mass heroism of the industrial
working class. These heroes
have shattered the notion that
industrial workers can't be the
agents of change.
And each attracts national
and international allies among
the broad masses, setting the
stage for communist revolution.
The size of the global
industrial working class has exploded. The numbers are unprecedented. Now more
than ever the industrial working class holds the key to mobilizing the masses
for communism.
The CIA estimates
there are more than 750 million manufacturing, mining, construction and energy
production workers alone. To these we can add the closely related
transportation, communication and food production workers.
Industrial supply chains
span the world. Millions have entered factories in countries barely touched
before by modern production. Migrant labor, often temporary, subjects millions
more to horrific racist and sexist exploitation.
Indeed, the wholesale
murder of thousands of migrant construction workers building the Qatar World
Cup stadiums was too much for even professional soccer players. Moroccan
Footballer Abdeslam Ouaddou who played on English, French, and even Qatari
teams denounced "this world cup of shame and slavery." He was not alone.
In Brazil, World Cup
protests were everywhere. Led by transportation and garbage workers, four
million have hit the streets, shutting down whole cities during the past year.
In the midst of this
ballooning revolt against exploitation lies the wherewithal to forge a
communist world. Ally these workers with soldiers and our Party's guiding
strategy of mobilizing the masses for communism becomes real.
Where communists see
potential, the capitalist system responds with economic crisis. The expanded
productive capacity plunged this illogical system into a worldwide crisis of
overproduction. Since the beginning
of the crisis, the intensified misery of the working class that Karl Marx
predicted has struck with a vengeance.
Workers were initially
mere victims. By 2010, ruling class strategists like Bank of America's Joe
Quinian began to wonder if "the global economy will rebound in time to quell
the rising discontent among millions of workers who have
turned—violently, in some cases —against capitalism."
Too late! That ship
has sailed.
Last year, for
instance, hundreds of thousands of miners in Marikana, South Africa, attacked
what many had thought were unassailable instruments of capitalist rule. Neither
arrests, nor torture, nor the deaths of comrades have dampened the workers'
resolve.
They fought the
African National Congress government and their murdering cops. They trashed
union headquarters: unions that for decades played on the good will created
during the fight against apartheid. Their bravery exposed the lie of a
non-racial, post-apartheid capitalism.
Their struggle and
others like them have inspired millions. "The masses have woken up," said a
Boeing friend a continent away upon hearing of this rebellion.
This mass
anti-capitalist sentiment inspires us all. But it cannot be consolidated
without a communist alternative. "We need a new kind of organization," said a
South African friend. "There is no organization with this goal [to mobilize for
communism] here."
A metalworker, bus
driver and friends answered by founding a new branch of the International
Communist Workers Party (ICWP) in South Africa this May Day.
Capitalists
Won't Give Up Without a Fight
The bosses are
throwing everything they can into politically containing this tidal wave of industrial
revolts. Their rule is doomed if more do what our South African comrades did:
build the ICWP to carry this fight to its logical revolutionary conclusion.
The speedy global
economic rebound that Quinian hoped would "quell the rising discontent" is
nowhere to be seen. The bosses have impoverished millions to buttress their
profits and businesses. Still, the crisis continues.
U.S. imperialism's
main foreign policy think-tank, the Council on Foreign Relations, worries 'that
capitalist governments and corporate big wigs our contribution to the common
good, not by how much money we make. Communism will restore our humanity.
Wage
Slavery Underpins Racism, Sexism
The wage system also
forms the material basis of racism and sexism. Eliminating wages allows us to
mount a campaign that can finally end racism and sexism.
These anti-working
class ideologies justify the billions in extra profits the bosses reap from
racist and sexist pay differentials. The capitalist system would be
hard-pressed to survive without this super-exploitation.
Successful
mobilization for communism, now and in the future, requires smashing these
poisonous ideologies. We must build deep ties among workers whom the bosses
want separated. Racist and sexist repression has taught our most oppressed
brothers and sisters a thing or two. They can potentially provide the
revolutionary leadership we all need.
Trade unionism is
another political trap. The U.S. ruling class's main mouthpiece The New York
Times editorializes that a more robust union movement is the answer to
inequality. In the next breath, they urge unions to be "practical" and
compromise away the pennies the bosses allow us.
The International
Association of Machinists (IAM), for instance, is more than willing to
accommodate. Centered in the U.S. aerospace industry, it has vowed to deliver a
cheap workforce, chained to exploitive contracts and a de facto strike ban.
Last December IAM
Boeing workers revolted. They marched through the plants when company and union
leaders demanded they sacrifice the next generation of workers for a $10,00O
bribe.
Within days Red
Flag networks distributed thousands of leaflets entitled "No Extortion:
Take Back What Is Ours!" to mobilize for revolution and communist production.
Workers chased local officials from union meetings. They demanded that national
representatives get out of town.
The national union,
corporate board, Washington State governor, and federal officials plotted their
revenge. They scheduled a second vote when thousands were on vacation. Eventually
they reversed the 2-to-1 defeat of the original contract proposal.
Only six percent of
the workforce voted when union presidential elections were held shortly
thereafter. Most were paid union officials and shop stewards. Since then groups
of Boeing workers have consistently attended our meetings and socials to
discuss a communist alternative to trade unionism.
Trade union ideology
says we can survive and prosper by uniting to reform workplace conditions. Like
every widely held illusion, this ideology contains an element of truth: Unity is essential.
Working-class unity is
the platform upon which a communist society can transform production. Communist
production will make the fruits of our labor our collective property, not the
bosses' private property.
The crisis has forced
the exploiters to take off their kid gloves. They have bled our class to save
their companies.
Ultimately, this will
fail to secure their empires. They will be forced to attack their international
competitors. They are perfectly willing to chew up a generation in the
factories and battlefields of the next world war.
Industrial
workers—along with soldiers—are uniquely positioned to make the
bosses' next war their last.
The
Engine of Revolution
Groups of communist
industrial workers like those who have joined ICWP in El Salvador and South
Africa can transform the revolts in which they participate. Rather than
demanding change in the leadership of the capitalist state, they can lead the
charge to end the capitalist state. Rather than demanding more equitable
compensation, they can mobilize to end exploitative factories.
Wherever industrial
workers accept this responsibility, they will inspire communist mobilization.
Who wouldn't want plants that unleash the creative potential of the working
class? Who wouldn't want work sites that were learning and cultural centers for
workers and their children? Who wouldn't want factories based on producing for
the needs of our class, not on exploitation and profits?
These communist
industrial units would build not only the material things we need, but also the
collectives necessary to construct a new communist world.
The crisis has made it
harder for bosses and their agents to hide the naked truth of exploitation.
Impoverishment of industrial workers and workers in general is baked into
capitalism.
The industrial working
class is bigger and more exploited now than at any other time in history.
Rebellions that strain to break free from the limitations of trade unionism and
liberal reformism abound, challenging the traditional instruments of capitalist
rule. Now more than ever industrial workers can become the engine of communist
revolution.
Tumultuous class
struggle marks the world. These fights revolve around the very industrial
workers needed to make a revolution.
We must respond
concretely. At a bare minimum, we should guarantee that the International
Communist Workers' Party (ICWP) grows. Red Flag networks have to expand,
developing into organizing collectives providing revolutionary solutions. Our
base can become broader and deeper, politically and personally. Building for
political strikes helps. What we do today lays the basis for communist power
tomorrow.
Many workers ask us
what they have to do to join our Party.
These same workers
often test communist ideas on their co-workers, friends and family. Collective
discussion, criticism and self-criticism come along with joining. These
activities will help our friends spread the paper's influence.
Each recruit is a nail
in capitalism's coffin. When groups join, they can turn revolt into revolution.
New members and
friends can expand Red Flag networks, circulating papers on the shop floor and in
the homes of industrial workers and their families. These networks will become
organizing hubs.
Networks should
organize groups to study lessons contained in our Party's newspaper. These
study groups will help our base mobilize their fellow workers. Our friends can
then develop the confidence they need to join the party.
Networks prepare the
ground for more intense base-building. Union meetings, demonstrations, strikes
and mass rebellions clearly provide opportunities, but let's not forget social
activities, recreation and family milestones. Every aspect of life counts.
Our fellow workers are
attacked in a million ways every day. Articles in the Party's press should
provide a communist answer to every attack, whether they affect an individual worker,
a whole industry or the masses.
We are one
international working class, today more than ever. Every international
industrial revolt affects the struggle "at home." Our paper can bring the
lessons of these battles to every work site, barrack and school.
New comrades, a
broader base and expanded use of Red Flag as an organizing tool lay
the groundwork for industrial political strikes. These strikes would bust the
bosses' no-strike laws. They would confront racist and sexist divisions. They
take aim at the heart of capitalism, opening the door to massive mobilization
for communism.
Communist political
strikes become a real possibility amidst the tumult of industrial revolts. No
doubt, many political ideas will be present at the beginning. Our party, base
and paper must prepare to expand and deepen these political actions: to
mobilize the immediate strikers and the masses for communism.
This political work
has begun to bear fruit. Groups of industrial workers have joined out of the
sharpest struggles. More will follow.
Strikes, even
political strikes, are not the ultimate weapon of the working class. Armed
insurrection is the only way to take state power.
The Putilov Iron Works
gives us an historical example. It was the biggest industrial factory in St.
Petersburg at the time of the 1917 Russian socialist revolution.
Fourteen foreign
countries and the reactionary White army immediately attacked the new
revolutionary government in the midst of World War I. The red Putilov workers
made weapons for the Red Army to defend the revolution. Then they drove those
weapons to the front lines to train new Red Army soldiers how to use them in
the midst of battle.
What we do today
trains us for the exercise of power tomorrow.
"Welcome back," said a
balloon that flew defiantly, tied to the tool box of
the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA) mechanic who had been
suspended. Many mechanics came to greet him. They cracked jokes and took
pictures, showing comradely solidarity.
This small reception
reflected our self-criticism. We, as his fellow workers, had not shown enough
solidarity with our class brother. We should have defended him more from MTA's
racist attack.
We had unconsciously
resented the fact he did not go along with management's program of reporting
only major problems. In our hearts we knew, however, that his position of
inspecting the buses properly was correct.
The bosses claim that
passenger safety is their highest goal. In reality, they want buses in the
streets, not in the repair shops. To avoid being attacked, we went along with
their farce: less work for us and fewer buses in repair for
MTA.
Due to this mechanic's
struggle and the political campaign waged by Red Flag, management
started re-educating mechanic inspectors throughout the company. Some workers
in the suspended mechanic's division told the inspectors, "A co-worker got
suspended for putting into practice what you are teaching. If what you are
teaching is true, then MTA must change its policy."
The next day the
supervisor met with the mechanic inspectors and told us that in the future they
wouldn't bother us for conforming to the stricter guidelines. All they wanted
was that inspection reports be turned in on time.
Many consider this the
"victory," but our real victory lies elsewhere. This battle has advanced
communist political understanding of the suspended worker and throughout MTA.
Confidence in Red Flag and in ICWP has grown tremendously.
ICWP's approach to
this racist attack had two aspects. One was to forge anti-racist class unity
among these co-workers based on the understanding that unity is necessary to
destroy capitalism and its wage slavery. The other was to spread our political
analysis of the attack, showing capitalism's inhumane nature and communism as
an alternative.
Red Flag and Party members focused on struggling around
these communist ideas, not on demanding reforms from MTA.
The bosses'
concessions were in response to ICWP's massive campaign through Red
Flag. Thousands read our paper during the battle. Management hoped to
calm things down and stem the spread of communist
ideas.
We think this is a
good way to participate in the class struggle. We should never forget that we
are locked in a class war with the capitalists. Our goal is to advance
political understanding and recruit workers to help mobilize the masses for
communism. As our forces grow, this class war will break out into open armed
revolution.
Just as capitalism
cannot stop exploiting and attacking us, we cannot stop fighting to abolish its
wage slavery. Their racist, sexist attacks won't end until we end capitalism.
"We have made a huge
effort in several factories to build the International Communist Workers' Party
(ICWP)," reports a garment worker.
"Women and men workers
have joined us. We distribute our Red Flag to co-workers in different
factories. We are proud Party members—workers fighting for communism."
For four years we have
fought inside the factories for commitment to Mobilize
the Masses for Communism. Red Flag networks are expanding
every day in spite of workers being bombarded with lies about communism and
attacks by the bosses and unions.
Articles about workers
fighting for communism in other countries inspire our friends. "It fills us with joy to know that there
are comrades in many places in the world struggling together with us,"
commented another young worker.
Every
Attack Deserves a Communist Response
Recently, the boss and
union attacked a co-worker for an action she took to defend the very same
union. A judge fined her $180, a month's salary.
She saw that unions
and bosses are rotten birds of a feather. We are struggling with her that the
solution is to join ICWP and fight for communist revolution.
Also, recently, a
supervisor insulted another woman worker who reads Red Flag. The boss
ordered her to go to a different production line. As a wage slave, she had to
put up with this humiliation or lose her job.
She got up, very
upset, and disappeared from the supervisor's sight for three hours. A comrade,
worried, went to look for her. He found her in the bathroom, her eyes filled
with tears.
She angrily told the
comrade that the bosses harassed the workers more because he was no longer a
union leader. Our comrade explained that he stopped being a union leader to
fight directly for communism. Trade unionism is a death trap for workers. His
goal now was to win workers to ICWP.
The defense of the
workers must not depend on a union "leader," but on the collective of all the
workers, acting as a single fist against the bosses. Indeed, as the fined
worker learned, unions have often become part of the problem.
Building this
solidarity must be part of the struggle to get rid of capitalism, which, in
crisis, needs to terrorize workers to exploit us more.
Being fired can be a
death sentence. If we don't have a job to produce profits for a boss, our
families don't eat. Our struggle
must be to destroy the wage system that daily threatens our families and us.
The answer is to build a communist system, based on producing to meet the needs
of the international working class.
In communism, there
won't be bosses, profits or exploitation. The centers of production will be
centers of ideological struggle over communist solidarity and collectivity. No
worker, man or woman, will be mistreated. If someone breaks this principle, the
collective will discipline them.
We have a long road
ahead, full of many struggles, but more are joining. We know that we are on the
correct road to building a communist society.
I grew up in the
national liberation struggle, but today my comrades and I mobilize for
communism. We've got exciting news from the South African front.
I was recently invited
to a screening of Miners Shot Down in the Platinum Belt. I introduced young
brothers and sisters there to the International Communist Workers' Party
(ICWP).
These young friends
despise their employers and the African National Congress (ANC) government. The
ANC blames the most recent months-long platinum strikes on foreigners and
everyone else but the mine bosses.
Our friends from
Marikana in the platinum belt now distribute Red Flag among miners and
their families.
They are demanding
that we meet quickly with them. These miners started the rebellions that rocked
South Africa the last two years.
These militant waves
of strikes in South Africa, Brazil and elsewhere are unfortunately reformist.
They do not seek to end capitalism. They aim to win some gains that will only
be reversed or eroded.
A lifetime of
experience tells me workers and the poor of every country should fight for
communist revolution. Our aim should be to bring an end to world capitalism.
A
Lifetime of Struggle Brings Comrade to Communist Mobilization
The 1976 Soweto
uprising was my first taste of struggle. Masses fought to get rid of Afrikaans
(language) instruction and the Bantu education system.
The apartheid
government beat, arrested, and killed students and closed the schools. I am the
same age as Hector Peterson, one of the first victims killed by the state
police.
Most political parties
were banned in the 1960's. Their leaders were jailed and exiled. After a lull,
communities took up their own struggles, while workers fought the bosses and
apartheid state through their trade unions.
The giant trade union
federation Congress of South African Trade Unions came out of this struggle in
1985. I and other young comrades formed the Chemical Workers Industrial Union
where we worked.
In 1988, I helped form
a student organization, which later became the South African Student Congress.
By now I had already been detained for political organizing under the notorious
state of emergency, which allowed detention without
trial for longer periods.
In the 1990's,
political parties were unbanned, exiles returned and political prisoners were
released. Most organizations, after much debate, disbanded in favor of the
bourgeois ANC. The ANC opted for negotiations. The rest is history.
Five unions came
together to form the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) in
1987. In 1997, I became a NUMSA member and leader on the job.
Years of activism,
reading and research showed me how treacherous class collaborationist politics
can be. It subordinates us to the national bourgeoisie, while promising
socialism later. It ends up killing communists and the communist movement.
History abounds with examples of this treachery.
Last year I met ICWP.
The Party mobilizes the masses for communism, not socialism, which is state
capitalism anyway.
The Party here has a
solid foundation of young cadres. We meet every Sunday to read Red
Flag and share our own experiences. More are joining every day.
Yesterday, I was on the phone the whole day recruiting from an area where autoworkers live. These youth are determined and want to meet with us right away. The place is a bit far, requiring two taxi rides. It won't stop us. Young lions of the ICWP, roar!