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This is what the “Hero” was like:

Part of the History of the Farmworkers’ Struggle in the U.S.

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In 1970, Cesar Chavez, leader of the Farmworkers Union in the US, was publicly declared by the bourgeoisie as the hero, the exemplary fighter and a source of pride to Hispanics for his pacifism and anti-communism. I met him in 1965. Since I knew that he wanted to organize farmworkers, I went to see him to talk to him about this and to find out his opinion about what we needed to do with the farm bosses who treated the workers so badly.
In the conversation, he put forward his views on the subject and I put forward mine. It was then that I heard his first lies. “We already have an organization of farmworkers ready to fight,” he told me, among other things. About my views he said, “In our organization we have men prepared to break the legs of anyone who opposes us.” These were pure lies, which I very soon found out. He did not have what you could call an organization. Neither did he have men prepared to break legs. How could he have men prepared to use violence in the struggle if  what he preached was pacifism?

 Most of the workers believed in his pacifist and defeatist politics. “If with pacifism,” they said, “we can win what we want, violence isn’t necessary.”
From that conversation that Chavez and I had, despite his denial and disagreement, because of my insistence and logic, we agreed to declare a strike at the  Mt. Arbor Rose Company in McFarland, California (the first strike in the San Joaquin Valley) in May 1965. After that we continued with the general strike against the  grape growers. That strike lasted until 1970, when the growers recognized our union and signed labor contracts with the farmworkers.
In that strike, many farmworkers put the pacifism of Chavez to one side and fought valiantly, even though many times confused and frustrated because of Chavez’ controversial policy. He publicly preached pacifism and in private supported violence. He encouraged the pacifist strikers and cursed the violent strikers publicly, accusing them of being vandals, but he supported them in private, inciting them to do this or that. But when some were arrested he deliberately delayed their defense or advised the accused to go to prison so that he could collect as much money as possible supposedly for the legal defense.
He negotiated with Democratic Party politicians to put the farmworkers to work in their political campaigns and get them votes in exchange for money and laws, supposedly in favor of the farmworkers. These laws, like the Agricultural Labor Relations Act, which set up the ALRB, didn’t help the workers in any way. However, as the true saying goes, “You learn from your mistakes.”
How much struggle, how many arrests, how much suffering and time lost to learn in the end that “It’s not over there, it’s right here!” That is, the struggle should not be for reforms, but for communist revolution.
The millionaire Frederick Martin referred to these types of leaders and politicians when he said, “It  matters not one iota what political party is in power or what president holds the reins of office. We are not politicians or public thinkers; we are the rich; we own America; we got it, God knows how, but we intend to keep it if we can by throwing all the tremendous weight of our support, our influence, our money, our political connections, our purchased senators, our hungry congressmen, and our public-speaking demagogues into the scale against any...campaign that threatens the integrity of our estates.”
That quote should serve us, the working class, men and women, to learn that it’s not over there, it’s right here! That is, any workers’ struggle, no matter how strong and militant, if not waged for communist revolution, serves criminal capitalism. There is no middle ground.

--Farmworker veteran of the struggle

The Real McFarland: Communist-led Class Struggle

 The Disney movie “McFarland” contains half-truths, distortions of the truth, and lies.
It takes place in 1987 in McFarland, California, a small agricultural community with a population of approximately 6,500 that included my family.
In the early 1980’s McFarland had a childhood cancer rate that was 3 to 4 times the expected rate, making it almost certain that you would know someone with cancer or who died of cancer.  Low birth weights doubled and tripled from 1981 to 1983.   In 1985 there were public hearings about the high cancer problem, but to this day no answers have been provided to McFarland residents. 
Why would Disney come to McFarland to make a movie and not mention a word about the cancer cluster that made national headlines?  The movie does not even mention the horrible working conditions and super-exploitation that farm workers battled fiercely throughout the 1980’s.
Upset was growing among residents of McFarland and protests were regular occurrences. In 1988 Reverend Jesse Jackson and United Farm Workers’ President Cesar Chavez marched through McFarland in what seemed to be efforts to divert community outrage to voting booths and the Democratic Party.  There was fear among the ruling class of the organizing efforts being made by communists who lived in McFarland.
What’s found instead in Disney’s “McFarland” is a widespread, violent, and scary gang problem.  The movie centers on Coach White, who developed a winning cross-country team. The movie portrays him as a savior of poor working-class immigrant kids and their ignorant parents.
What Disney leaves out is no coincidence. Capitalists always try to bury the fighting power of working class people.  If we accept the cross-country team’s state championship as the highlight of our community, we are selling ourselves short.
These kids and this community were determined to overcome adversity long before Coach White came to McFarland. The movie only scratched the surface of this community’s fighting spirit. From protests against contaminated water and pesticides to protests against racist cops and horrible working conditions, adversity brought this community together, demonstrating our great capacity to fight back.
One memory I have from growing up in McFarland is a fierce battle against cops when they showed up in riot gear to break up a quinceañera that many communists and communist friends were at. Cops from nearby communities such as Delano, Wasco, and Shafter showed up.
All children were loaded into cars while the adults stayed behind to defend our right to continue the quinceañera at a hall rented for this specific reason. Cops then attacked and arrested many, including my father, and beat many with clubs. A community-supported legal battle followed, ending with cash settlements.
I also remember when we ran cops out of McFarland in a protest that followed the deadly shooting of our neighbor Mr. Zepeda by a racist McFarland police officer. At the protest in front of the police station, people became frustrated that it had been locked and closed for the day.  After several speeches, cars formed a caravan to search for cops. Many of the youth stayed behind and later we heard that police department windows were shattered. Still no cops were found in McFarland.
Disney portrays McFarland gangs as a youth attempt to disassociate themselves from their working-class parents.  However, at this time gangs in McFarland were formed as protection against the deadly gang of cops that protected the ranchers.
The McFarland communists distributed many papers and leaflets.  They had a mass base, but unfortunately they mostly fought for reforms.  That’s why the movement didn’t go further. 
Disney’s “McFarland” is a rewriting of history to hide an outbreak of rebellion.  It’s that rebellious spirit that makes me proud to have grown up there.
—Red Flag comrade

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