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The movie César Chávez is ruling class propaganda. Some big lies are tied together with enough truth to make them convincing. By promoting Chávez as a Mexican-American civil rights hero, it aims to win Latino/a workers and youth to nationalism, pacifism, anti-communism and the Democratic Party.

Chávez is shown as a one-man organization. The movie has him picking grapes in the fields (a lie). They show him organizing the grape boycott in Europe single-handedly (another lie). In fact, an army of student and farmworker volunteer boycott organizers went from Delano to Los Angeles, Toronto, London and beyond. Other leaders of the United Farm Workers (UFW) are shown as "yes men" or left out entirely. Larry Itliong, the Filipino strike leader, has a series of quick appearances. Epifanio Camacho, whose militant leadership was the main obstacle to Chávez's pacifist sell-out, is slandered.

The movie pushes nationalism by leaving out the multi-racial volunteers and reducing the crucial role of Filipino workers. More importantly, it omits Chávez's racist attacks on undocumented immigrants— just like most of the books written about the UFW.

The UFW paper El Malcriado routinely referred to migrant workers as "wetbacks" as did Chávez in a TV interview on KQED. Racist words led to racist actions. The UFW turned over undocumented strikebreakers to the Migra in May, 1968. In the early 1970s, César's notoriously corrupt cousin Manuel Chávez organized the "Campaign Against Illegals," known officially as the "UFW Border Patrol" and unofficially as the "wet line," to physically attack migrants coming across the border. Some nonviolent saint!

The climax of the movie is Chávez's 1968 fast for nonviolence (see letter this page). During the strike, the growers' cops and thugs physically attacked workers and volunteers on the picket lines, hitting them with baseball bats, spraying them with pesticides, and at least once, driving a truck into a picket line. Strikers fought back militantly!

When Chávez began to ally with the Democratic Party, he needed to isolate the leaders who were dedicated to winning the fight in the fields without being bound by pacifism. Chávez used the fast to force pacifism down the throats of union members.
Epifanio Camacho, one of the most class-conscious and militant leaders of the union and the picket captain in 1968, is identified in the film as the cause of all the violence. His character is shown as nationalist, arrogant and isolated—another big lie. His leadership in the first UFW strike, among rose workers, is left out. So is his militant leadership on the picket line.

The filmmakers finally slander Camacho by inventing a "pledge of nonviolence," which the Camacho character signs at the end of the fast. This is a total lie—there was no pledge, and Camacho would never have signed it if there had been one.

The United Farm Workers started out as a union engaged in militant reform struggle, but for the bosses, and their mouthpieces in the movie industry, even militant reform struggle must be portrayed unfavorably. Epifanio Camacho said in his 2002 Autobiography:
"I learned that strikes are the best weapon in the economic struggle of the workers, but that for our total liberation, a strike is insufficient. To achieve liberation, it is necessary to adopt a more powerful weapon, the weapon of revolutionary struggle against the entire social-political regime."

Farmworkers in California today live in conditions that are at least as bad as the 1960s. The UFW is a collection of social service rackets making money for Chávez's relatives. It has only 5,000 workers under contract. Farm workers' wages are right at the federal poverty line, between $10,000 and $12,000 per year. On average, one farmworker dies every day on the job in the US, and hundreds are injured.

Meanwhile, the bosses need to win farmworkers and their sons and daughters to defend US imperialism in their wars—perhaps aboard the US Navy cargo ship Cesar Chavez. That's why they have promoted Chávez and his Mexican-American nationalism and pacifism in this movie, in the schools, and on postage stamps. It's up to us to answer these lies by reading and distributing Red Flag, to win farmworkers and all workers to the struggle for a communist world.


Some workers are commenting about the movie Cesar Chávez. They expected something better, more action, but what you see is that the victory of the struggle in the 70's was due to capitalist politics, religion and pacifism. Personally I remember many things, not exactly pacifist.

One event was at the beginning of 1968. I was in charge of the only picket line there was. The strike was about to be lost, because there were only 15 of us strikers participating, mostly very old, and for this reason the strike was weak. Due to this, Chávez decided that we should go for a weekend in the mountains to discuss whether we would continue the strike or end it, since it seemed not to have any potential.

That weekend, about 25 of us participated in the meeting, but the majority were very discouraged. Yet we decided to continue the strike, only so we wouldn't have to admit defeat. However, there were some who, without saying much, in truth were not willing to surrender.

But soon, in February of that same year, came news on the radio that a large number of strikers had savagely attacked the scabs in the fields of the Guimarra Company; this caused the scabs not to return.

This happened on a Friday and at about nine o'clock that morning Chávez came to the picket line very happy, as was his custom when something like this happened. He told me, "There are no scabs anywhere; go home and take the day off."  However, our joy turned into fear when on Monday morning the police served Chávez and me with a subpoena to appear in court to answer for the violation of certain injunctions issued by the judge.

That caused Chávez such panic. That same day he called an emergency meeting to give us the news that he was declaring a hunger strike to protest the violence by strikers against the scabs on the picket line and that he would not eat until the strikers, who weren't many, pledged not to commit any more violent acts.  This was Chávez's reason to start his famous 25-day hunger strike.

The attack against the scabs served to make sure they would not attempt to break our strike again.  It also provided a second wind for the strikers and volunteers. They carried out the struggle with more strength, despite the fact that the strike had nearly been lost.  They

recuperated and launched a strong relentless attack against the ranchers, despite their strong resistance.

This culminated in 33 companies signing labor contracts with the farmworkers.  However, these contracts were won doing what we needed to do to win the fight, rather than due to the prayers or pacifism of César Chávez, because prayers and pacifism are useless.

But the bosses never surrender, even if sometimes they appear to. They may lose one battle, but they don't lose the war, especially if we fight them with religion, pacifism, and their politics, since they can count on their government, their courts, their politicians, and their money.

Despite what was won, only memories remain. This is most true in the area of Delano, California.  After all, it was only a reform struggle for the workers. The only way to know that the bosses have lost is to destroy them and their rotten capitalist system with workers' revolution for communism.

I would like to write about other incidents that were not exactly pacifist, that I'm sure have not been mentioned in the Chávez movie.

--Comrade Farmworker, veteran of the struggle

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